Human trafficking is the second-largest criminal enterprise in the world, with an estimated industry of $150 billion.1 The victims transcend age, race, and various social classes, and the perpetrators are driven by profit, preying upon marginalized individuals while employing exploitation and coercion. In 2016, there were approximately 40 million people living in modern slavery (i.e., forced labor or sex trafficking). It is estimated that 72 percent were women and girls.2 In the United States, approximately 100,000 to 150,000 women and children are involved in sex trafficking.3 However, the covert criminal nature of traffickers and their hidden networks make it difficult to provide an accurate total number of victims.
Human Trafficking in the United States
The exploitation of vulnerable populations forced into the sex trade has been a public concern in the United States since the early 20th century. In 1910, the U.S. Congress passed legislation classifying the transportation of women across state lines for “debauchery, prostitution, or any other immoral purpose” as a federal crime. In the 1990s, issues once exclusively associated with prostitution were repositioned as being related to sex trafficking. The hard work of advocacy groups over the years eventually paid off with the passing of the Federal Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000.4
The TVPA defines federal sex trafficking as a commercial sex act induced by force, fraud, or coercion. The TVPA also specifies that any minor exploited for sex, regardless of whether coercion took place, is a victim of sex trafficking. In 2014, every U.S. state passed laws criminalizing human trafficking.5 Despite strong legislation and its punitive measures, traffickers continue to relentlessly exploit youth and others for profit.
The predatory nature of sex traffickers exploits the fear and suffering of another person, especially a youth. The ability to flip the emotional switch of fear allows traffickers to coerce, control, and manipulate their victims. All humans are equipped with the same complex physiological components and biological drives. In situations that elicit fear, one enters an involuntarily state of “fight or flight,” caused by the autonomic nervous system. The autonomic nervous system serves as a natural defense mechanism, helping people survive perceived dangerous and fearful situations.6 In the case of most trafficked youth, their lives are a series of fearful situations. Their experiences are very traumatizing and carry lifelong negative consequences.
Traffickers often utilize multiple coercive physical and nonphysical techniques compelling victims into the commercial sex trade. The fear a human trafficking victim experiences typically arises from intimidation tactics and physical abuse. However, other methods are also utilized. Nonphysical, dehumanizing approaches such as verbal abuse, social isolation, and food or sleep deprivation are very effective. Coercion through the means of highly addictive drugs such as heroin is not uncommon. Creating a chemical dependency in the victim places the trafficker in a position of power, thus keeping the victim engaged in sex trafficking. For example, a 2018 federal human trafficking study of 425 sex trafficking cases reported that 30.4 percent of the cases involved substance abuse manipulation as a coercive tactic.7
Law enforcement has been very aggressive in investigating and prosecuting suspects for various sexual exploitation cases, including child sex trafficking. The data show that perpetrators often look to the vulnerability variables of a potential victim without regard to age or race. For example, from January 2008 through June 2010, U.S. federal human trafficking task forces investigated 2,515 cases of suspected human trafficking, and the victims represented a wide range of demographics. For instance, 1,016 of the cases involved sexual exploitation or prostitution of a youth. In the same group of cases, data collected from 527 confirmed human trafficking victims showed the race breakdown was 40 percent black/African American and 25 percent white.8
Coercion and Corruption through Drugs
To coerce a victim through the use of drugs, a recruiter identifies a person with a substance abuse issue and supports their addiction by supplying the drug of choice. The trafficker then exploits their fear of withdrawal symptoms by coercing them into prostitution. As a method to perpetuate the cycle of victimization, the trafficker retains power, providing just enough of the drug to keep the person from experiencing withdrawal and to coerce them into commercial sex.9
The opioid epidemic has provided increased opportunities for traffickers to exploit victims under the powerful influences of addiction. In 2014, a 62-year-old Florida man was convicted and sentenced to serve 33 years in prison for manipulating women into performing acts of prostitution in exchange for a supply line of drugs. During the trial, five victims recounted intense feelings of fear resulting from drug withdrawal. The testimony of one victim described the trafficker watching as she suffered through excruciating physical and psychological withdrawal symptoms. The victim claimed the man offered just enough pills to help alleviate withdrawal symptoms as a means to incentivize her to serve his clients. During a federal search warrant, law enforcement officials recovered thousands of prescription pills in the man’s residence.10 In 2019, a 44-year-old Vermont man was found guilty of 13 federal felonies arising from sex and drug trafficking. The man was accused of using violent means of force, exploiting several women suffering from heroin addiction and forcing them to perform commercial sex acts. According to Assistant Attorney General Eric Dreiband, “Human traffickers are exploiting the opioid epidemic with increasing frequency.”11
The clandestine nature of human trafficking makes locating victims very difficult for law enforcement. The same is true for researchers seeking to gather information directly from active victims of the commercial sex trade. Accurately assessing and conducting research on the underpinnings of coercion and exploitation have their limits. Different methodologies are employed for the purpose of gaining insights into the complexities and interpersonal struggles victims experience. In some cases, research is conducted on information gleaned from police reports and case court documents. In other cases, exploratory research involving extensive fieldwork in areas believed to have high volumes of commercial sex activities provides a wealth of information.
According to a 2017 federal human trafficking report examining 661 active sex trafficking case documents, 63.8 percent indicated threats of force, fraud, or coercion. Within the same set of court documents, 33.2 percent reported exploitation of substance abuse.12 In April 2016 through January 2017, a female sex worker study was conducted involving 250 participants in 15 zones across Baltimore, Maryland. The study examined several descriptive characteristics that place female sex workers in vulnerable positions. The age range of sampled participants was 18–61. A total of 53 out of the 250 participants reported entering the sex trade before the age of 18, and, of those respondents, 21 percent reported they were either physically forced, threatened, or coerced into entering the sex trade. The female sex workers also met the criteria of daily heroin use and active participation in sex work picking up clients on the street or in other public places at least three times within a period of three months. Several socio-demographic risk factors and other experiences within their structural environments were collected.13
The findings highlight several notable trends, including the reliance on drug addiction. It was reported that 73 percent of the study participants entered the sex trade for the purpose of obtaining drugs. Daily heroin usage was widespread, as well as the use of prescription opioids. And heroin and opioid users had a higher frequency—participating in daily sex work at 74 percent, compared to non-users at 47 percent. The research suggests that the higher incidences of daily sex work for heroin and opioid users are linked to increased financial need in order to support their addiction.14
In examining the same participants, differences emerged between heroin or opioid users and non-users. Daily heroin users reported an average of 4.3 different law enforcement engagements compared to 3.6 for non-users. A strong association also existed involving greater incidences of client-perpetuated violence against heroin or opioid users. The differential involved more violent interaction with their clients at a rate of 26 percent compared to non-users at 12 percent.15
Human Trafficking of Runaways
One major risk factor for human trafficking is running away. A runaway is defined as a child leaving home and staying out overnight. Perpetrators of human trafficking aggressively target and exploit vulnerable youth such as runaways. Within two weeks after running away, a youth is likely to be approached by a human trafficker or recruiter. Several causal factors typically contribute to the likelihood a youth will be trafficked. Poverty, fragmented family structure, isolation, abusive relationships, or mental illness each contribute to increasing the risk of eventual exploitation via the sex trafficking industry.
Traffickers target youth experiencing extreme structural vulnerabilities in their lives. In a process known as “grooming,” the trafficker may purport him- or herself as a caring person who is interested in becoming a positive fixture for the youth and providing some semblance of stability in an otherwise unstable life.16
Once a youth is coerced into entering the commercial sex trade, escape is highly unlikely. Many will continue being sexually exploited well into adulthood. The youth in these circumstances often lack the necessary executive functioning to comprehend the motives of the trafficker. The perpetrators are keenly aware of the vulnerable youths’ naiveté and difficulties processing their problems.17 Multiple coercion tactics are deployed to control and exploit their victims and ensure the youths remain active in the insidious world of human trafficking.
Lucas County (Toledo, Ohio): F.O.C.U.S. Project
Global and national statistics reporting the vulnerabilities that place a young person in danger of becoming a victim of human trafficking has drawn significant attention in Lucas County, Ohio, which includes the city of Toledo. Public officials and law enforcement in the area are concerned for the welfare of youth who are at-risk of becoming trafficked.
Ohio provides a strategic geographical location and profitable market for perpetrators of human trafficking. The interstate highway systems allow accessible routes to several cities including Chicago, Illinois, and Detroit, Michigan.18 In Ohio, there is an estimated 1,000 youth victims of the sex trade statewide, and a total of 5,229 who are at risk of becoming trafficked. According to the Estimating the Prevalence of Human Trafficking in Ohio: Executive Summary Report, the average age range of identified victims is 12–30 years old.19 As concerns for at-risk youth continue, the law enforcement community in Lucas County has moved beyond the traditional practice of policing to better serve and protect at-risk youth.
In late January 2020, the Lucas County Sheriff’s Office launched a community-based initiative called the F.O.C.U.S. Runaway Youth Project. F.O.C.U.S. is the acronym for
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- F –Finding Youth: Locate and connect youth to immediate services.
- O – Outreach: Work with the Lucas County Human Trafficking Coalition.
- C – Comprehensive Assessments: Assess risk for sex trafficking and drug addiction.
- U – Unified Long-Term Services: Create pathways into long-term services.
- S – Services Evaluation: Conduct program process and outcome evaluations.
The process of diverting runaway youth from the risk of human trafficking requires constant communication between the police and social services. The initiative’s mission is to help redirect at-risk youths, many with a history of running away, to increase their chances for a positive trajectory in life. Engaging in early intervention at a critical time in the life of a troubled youth and his or her family helps prevent the youth from becoming a victim of drug abuse and sex trafficking. Lucas County Sheriff John Tharp assigned three deputies to human trafficking prevention via F.O.C.U.S. The scope of services involves the Toledo Police Department collaborating with the community-based behavioral health agency Rescue Mental Health and Addiction Services (Rescue). The premise of F.O.C.U.S. is to eliminate barriers for the youth to access services while providing social support. The F.O.C.U.S. Project is working to meet two objectives:
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- Engage in early intervention with youth to reduce the probability that runaway youth will become victims of sex trafficking and drug addiction.
- Locate already trafficked youth, prosecute their traffickers, and connect youth to coordinated, community-based recovery services.
Lucas County Sheriff’s deputies assigned to F.O.C.U.S. operate out of Rescue, which serves adults and children of Lucas County. The deputies have been tasked to work with Rescue’s Emergency Mobile Response Service and Stabilization team (MRSS). The MRSS program provides a starting point for helping youth and their families. Interventions are designed to stabilize behavioral health and offer substance abuse treatment, thus improving a youth’s life.
Once the youth enters Rescue’s system, pathways into other services become available that meet the individual needs of a youth. For example, if a youth requires psychiatric services, Rescue’s Urgent Care program provides evaluations, administration, and monitoring of medication. A short-term residential crisis stabilization unit is also available for those who do not require long-term psychiatric hospitalization but are in need of support. Upon discharge, Rescue provides a treatment plan that may include linkage to other community services or programs. Between February and May 2020, deputies connected 28 youth to Rescue. The deputies obtain updated information from the Toledo Police Department about the status of youth who recently ran away. The deputies make an initial contact with youths to ensure they are safe while working to build a positive rapport. Follow-up contacts are made, establishing ongoing communication and letting the youths know law enforcement can provide support and offer help. The presence of the deputies also sends a message to human trafficking perpetrators that Lucas County law enforcement is positively and actively involved in the lives of these youth.
Unfortunately, some youth lack the support to meet their basic needs. They often struggle for self-preservation during difficult times when help is needed the most. The never-ending series of potholes and barriers embedded in their daily lives often cannot be dealt with on their own. Their lives become derailed, placing them in harm’s way of drug abuse and predators. For those who set out to help these youth, a perfect algorithm does not exist to work through these complex situations and problems. The police and social services alone are not always equipped to handle such complexities. However, each mutually benefits the other by working together and pooling resources for a common good. The unintended consequences of not utilizing all resources may cause long-lasting problems well into a youth’s adulthood. Thus, through a collective partnership, Rescue and Lucas County law enforcement are taking a proactive approach to protect at-risk youth and connect them to those vital resources. F.O.C.U.S. remains in the early stages; however, as the program continues to grow, so should the opportunities of redirecting many youth toward positive outcomes.
Notes:
1Tammy J. Toney-Butler and Olivia Mittel, “Human Trafficking,” in StatPearls (Treasure Island, FL: StatPearls Publishing, 2020)
2Toney-Butler and Mittel, “Human Trafficking.”
3 Toney-Butler and Mittel, “Human Trafficking”; Edward J. Schauer and Edith Wheaton, “Sex Trafficking into the United States: A Literature Review,” Criminal Justice Review 31 (2006): 146–169; Donna Sabella, “The Role of the Nurse in Combating Human Trafficking,” American Journal of Nursing 111, no. 2 (February 2011): 28–37; Dawn Bounds, Wrenetha A. Julion, and Kathleen R. Delaney “Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and State Child Welfare Systems,” Policy, Politics & Nursing Practice. 16, no. 1–2 (February 2015):17–26.
4Amy Farrell and Shea Cronin, “Policing Prostitution in an Era of Human Trafficking Enforcement,” Crime, Law & Social Change, 64 (2015): 211–228.
5Richard Estes and Neil Alan Weiner, The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the U.S., Canada, and Mexico (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work, Center for the Study of Youth Policy, 2002); Farrell and Cronin, “Policing Prostitution in an Era of Human Trafficking Enforcement”; Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act 2000, Pub. L. No. 106-386, 114 Stat. 1464-1548, 106th Congress (2000).
6Laurie Kelly McCorry, “Physiology of the Autonomic Nervous System,” American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education 71, no. 4 (2007): 78.
7Alyssa Currier and Kyleigh Feehs, 2018 Federal Human Trafficking Report (The Human Trafficking Institute, 2019).
8 Duren Banks and Tracey Kyckelhahn, Characteristics of Suspected Human Trafficking Incidents, 2008–2010 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice [DOJ], Office of Justice Programs, 2011).
9 Kyleigh Feehs and John Richmond, 2017 Federal Human Trafficking Report (The Human Trafficking Institute, 2017).
10U.S. DOJ, “Lutz, Fla., Man Convicted of Drug Distribution and Sex Trafficking Charges,” news release, November 6, 2013; U.S. DOJ, “Convicted Sex Trafficker Sentenced to More Than 30 Years in Prison,” news release, January 29, 2015.
11U.S. DOJ, “Vermont Man Who Exploited Opioid Addictions of Young Women Convicted of Multiple Counts of Sex and Drug Trafficking Related Cases,” news release, May 10, 2019.
12Feehs and Richmond, 2017 Federal Human Trafficking Report.
13Katherine Footer et al., “Entry to Sex Trade and Long-Term Vulnerabilities of Female Sex Workers Who Enter the Sex Trade Before the Age of Eighteen,” Journal of Urban Health 97, no. 3 (2020): 406–417; Katherine Footer et al., “Police-Related Correlates of Client-Perpetrated Violence Among Female Sex Workers in Baltimore City, Maryland,” American Journal of Public Health 109, no. 2 (February 2019): 289–295.
14Footer et al., “Entry to Sex Trade and Long-Term Vulnerabilities of Female Sex Workers Who Enter the Sex Trade Before the Age of Eighteen”; Footer et al., “Police-Related Correlates of Client-Perpetrated Violence Among Female Sex Workers in Baltimore City, Maryland.”
15Footer et al., “Entry to Sex Trade and Long-Term Vulnerabilities of Female Sex Workers Who Enter the Sex Trade Before the Age of Eighteen”; Footer et al., “Police-Related Correlates of Client-Perpetrated Violence Among Female Sex Workers in Baltimore City, Maryland.”
16Ohio Department of Mental Health and Addiction Services (OhioMHA), Ohio Substance Abuse Monitoring Network: Surveillance of Drug Abuse Trends in the State of Ohio: June 2016–January 2017 (Columbus, OH: State of Ohio, 2017), 153–171; Michael L. Chohaney, “Minor and Adult Domestic Sex Trafficking Risk Factors in Ohio,” Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research 7, no. 1 (Spring 2016): 117–141; Tasha Perdue et al., “In the Matter of Human Trafficking in Ohio: The Pursuit for Justice Continues,” Women’s Policy Journal of Harvard 8 (2011): 3–12; Footer et al., “Entry to Sex Trade and Long-Term Vulnerabilities of Female Sex Workers Who Enter the Sex Trade Before the Age of Eighteen.”
17 Bounds, Julion, and Delaney, “Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and State Child Welfare Systems”; Estes and Weiner, The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in the U.S., Canada, and Mexico; Kari Lerum and Barbara G. Brents, “Sociological Perspectives on Sex Work and Human Trafficking,” Sociological Perspectives 59, no.1 (2016): 17–26.
18Celia Williamson et al., Domestic Sex Trafficking in Ohio (Ohio Human Trafficking Commission, 2012); OhioMHA, Ohio Substance Abuse Monitoring Network; Chohaney, “Minor and Adult Domestic Sex Trafficking Risk Factors in Ohio.”
19Valerie R. Anderson, Teresa C. Kulig, and Christopher J. Sullivan, Estimating the Prevalence of Human Trafficking in Ohio: Executive Summary Report (Cincinnati, OH: School of Social Justice, University of Cincinnati, 2019).
Please cite as
Marc O’Neill and Jeremie Barclay, “Combating Drug-Facilitated Sex Trafficking of Runaway Youth,” Police Chief Online, November 25, 2020.
